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TWO NARRATIVES 



OF THE 



Expedition against Quebec, A.D. 1690, 

Under Sir William Phips. 



THE ONE BY REV. JOHN WISE, OF IPSWICH, MASS., 
AND THE OTHER BY AN UNKNOWN WRITER. 



SEiti) an Entrotiurtion, 

BY 

SAMUEL A. GREEN. 






CAMBRIDGE: 

JOHN WILSON AND SON. 

KnibEtsitg ^rtss. 

1902. 



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TWO NARRATIVES. 



At a meeting of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, held in Boston on Thursday, November 14, 
1901, Hon. Samuel A. Green presented two unpub- 
lished narratives of the expedition of Sir William 
Phips against Canada, in 1690, and said : — 

I wish to communicate copies of two manuscripts belong- 
ing to the Lenox Library in New York. They relate to Sir 
William Phips's expedition against Quebec in the summer of 
1690, and are contemporaneous accounts of tbat unsuccessful 
attempt to drive the French from Canada. These interesting 
papers were found in Paris, and were bought by the Trustees 
of the Library eight years ago, since which time they have 
been put in elegant binding of crushed levant morocco. It is 
through the courtesy of Wilberforce Eames, A.M., the accom- 
plished librarian and bibliographer, that I have obtained the 
copies, and I desire to make a public acknowledgment of the 
obHgation. The first of these papers, according to the heading, 
was written by tlie Reverend John Wise, of Ipswich, and is 
signed with his initials ; but the other is unsigned, and the 
writer unknown. Neither one is specifically addressed to 
any person, but from the internal evidence it is clear that, 
strictly speaking, tiiey were not official documents. They 
were accounts, rather, given by persons who took part in the 
expedition, and sent to a third person who was interested in 
the subject. 

The copy of Mr. Wise's paper has been in my possession for 
some years ; and in the mean time having read it and re-read 



it carefully, I came to the conclusion that it was written for 
Increase Mather, then in England as agent of the Province 
during the inter-charter period for the redress of public griev- 
ances. In the spring of 1688 he had gone over to the mother 
country, where he remained for four years. Dr. Mather and 
Mr. Wise both were natives of Massachusetts, both graduates 
of Harvard College, and both settled ministers in the Colony. 
During those troublous times they were in political sympathy, 
and both were strongly opposed to Andros and his usurpation. 
And it was the most natural thing in the world for Mr. Wise 
to keep his friend and mentor in touch with events happening 
at home. On examining the unsigned paper at the Lenox 
Library, a few days ago, I was gratified to find on the outside 
of the back leaf, forming the original cover, a memorandum of 
four lines in the well-known and unmistakable handwriting of 
Dr. Mather. It was in these words, line for line: — 

I have now by rae Irs fro'" Canada intercepted 
wherein ye French tell yir corre.spondents, y' o' 
affection to K. W"'' is ye cause of ye Warr w'^h 
yy make upon us. lO'^- 12"'' 90 : 

Tins writing shows conclusively that Mather once had the 
anonymous paper in his possession, and presumably Wise's 
also, as the two papers relate to the same subject and belong 
together, and probably were written to the same person. 

It is well known that John Wise was a chaplain in Phips's 
expedition against Quebec, " where not only the Pious Dis- 
charge of his Sacred Office, but his Heroick Spirit, and Mar- 
tial Skill and Wisdom did greatly distinguish him," says an 
anonymous writer in a "Character" which is appended to 
the Reverend John White's Funeral Sermon on Mr. Wise, 
preached April 11, 1725. For his public service as a chap- 
lain, the Legislature of Massachusetts, on January 8, 1736-7, 
granted to his " Children and legal Representatives and Heirs " 
three hundred acres of the unappropriated lands of the Prov- 
ince. An interesting account of Mr. Wise may be found in 
Sibley's " Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard 
University" (II. 428-441). 

In both copies the pages of the original manuscript are 
indicated by Arabic figures within brackets [ ]. The first 
of these papers is as follows: — 



[1] Tlie Narrative of 31'' John Wise, Minister of Gods Word at 

Ghebacco 

I have received yo' Request relating to the late unhappy Voyage 
to Canada aud upon a Serious Review of the whole Travel I find it 
will not be possible for me to give you a full Account of the Sever- 
all Remarkable Passages which did f;ill, within my observation. Yet 
to satisfy your Inquiry after the true Reasons of our defeat accord- 
ing to my Apprehensions I shall freely impart them unto you, in which 
I must tell you severall passages of the Story which serve to Illus- 
trate the Truth which I of[fer,] and if time permit me I shall pre- 
sent y"" w"' some Notes upon the Country as Reasons why our Land or 
Nation should not take this late foyle for a Fall or be so dejected so as 
to suppose it Impossible improbable or unproffita[ble] to take Kebecque, 
and thus I begin Vizt 

Under the Conduct of the truly Valiant S' William Phips K' General, 
and of John Wally Esq' Li [en'] General, about 2500 Souldjers and 
Marriners are imbarked out of New England Colonies and set Sayle 
upon the 9"" August 1690 from Masachusetts bay with great hopes and 
expectations to conquer New France and therefore Ijent our Course 
tliither[ward] with all convenient speed hastening to Canada River and 
then up to the chief Towne on the River called Kebeque. Before 
which Towne after many yea af[ter] many sensible Items of Divine 
favour all allong o[ur] Voyasje, We Cast Anchor early in the Morning 
upon [2] the 6'" of October 1 690. 

Now instead of filling up the Space between the two forementioned 
Termes with a Journal of our Voyage I will leave that for a more 
Accurate Observer or for a more convenient Opportunity and at this 
time only gratifie your Curiositie and theires to whom you shall see 
cause to impart them with the Reasons how so likely and generous an 
Attempt and a Birth under so fiopefull a prospect proves little else but 
iutollerable pain as the vast Charges upon all men and the Cries and 
Sighes of the Bereaved sufBciently but dolefully declare, I intend to be 
as true as plain and you may take my Reasons cast into this Method. 

The first Reason of our Defeat is made up of three principal parts 
which all men in the Action confesse to have such Influence into the 
Dissapointments and possibly many men may insist upon as the Prin- 
cipal Causes from whose Judgment I ask leave to enter my Dissent. 

But next to our Sinne the provoking & procuring Cause of all 
Misery We Reckon, 



6 

That Want or Scarseness of Provision might be a great Disadvan- 
tage and Discouradgment under some of our last Thoughts, our Stoares 
being so far Spent and the Countrey not capable of Recruiting us now 
upon easy termes might much disadvantage us from taking such Meas- 
ures as we might have thought of when we were put by our first At- 
tempts. 

[3] 2 The Want of Aniunitioii Souldiers of all men may be indulged 
in a Prodigallity whilst they without-Sparing spent up the Stores of 
Warr upon the Walls heads and "Hearts of their Enemies and whilst 
they have Courage to do it Pity 't is any should blame their Martial 
Zeale for being over prodigal but rather blame they had not a more 
lasting Store for it 's bard to confine Martial men when their blood is 
up to all the Niceties of good husbandry But in all probability our 
Ammunition was not at first proportiouable to our Undertaking & some 
of it was spent in the Ordinary Braveries of Warr which could not be 
avoided and much of it laid out at a good Market to the Terrour & 
Ruine of many of our Enemies whilst we were upon o' Voyage up the 
River and when a great part was improved on the Towne under y" 
Valiant Attempts of our General and Shipps of Warr and all the pitty 
is that such Valiant Soules had not ten times as much to spend in such 
hot fitts whilst they did such Ruine upon the Lives as well as the 
Towne of their Enemies and were so eminently preserved themselves 
Our Ships of Warr lost but one Man in the fights by great or Small 
shot and in probability and by Information the Enemy had many Slaine 
Thus our Amunicon growes low and upon Examination is found to [be] 
too smal to attempt great things whicli might influence our Disappoint- 
ment in some Degree. 

[4] 3 The Want of Time It was Ctesars motto Veni vidi vici, to over- 
come a Place so soon as a General doth come to a place hath not been 
y'' Ordinary fortune of Generals in Warr as it was CiEsars The most 
prudent and most Valiant of men in great Designes of Warr doe ordi- 
narily require time more then will Suffice only just to turne the tryal of 
a Stratagem orExpediment of Warr or two upon the Enemy There is 
a time for every thing under the Sun : Eccl. 3.ch : and there must be 
time allowed for every production that any less than an Infinite agent 
is to be the cause of. Now it is readily Acknowledged we were very 
much pinched up for want of time it was very late in y° Yeare and 
and Winter comes on a great pace the Cold nights tells us and this 
proves a great Disadvantage S'. We are to think of new methods 
when our first fayle us wherever y' fault may be All these perticular3 
any men will acknowledge to be great Disadvantages to an Army so 
Farr from their owne Countrey and as these perticulars may be used 
or improved may be made a mask upon all faults w'soever which might 
have a more direct Operaeon in Effecting the Overthrow of o' Brave 



Voyage [5] growne great w"' hopes from many Signal Tokens of Gods 
presence with us and just ready to break forth into the Shouts of 
Triumph as soon as our Couragious army have broken through the 
Paper Walls of Kebeque and Dared Frontiniack's Palace w"" their dis'- 
play'd Coulours within those Confines which for my part I expected 
within a few houres after we had taken the North-Shore, and thus S' I 
am now ready to give you my second Reason of the Grounds of our 
Defeat at Keliecjue 

2 My Second Reason grows big with Twinns : and if no other will 
owne them let them be left at my Door for Patronage and Defence. 

1. First then I suppose that whilst we consider our actions under 
humane Operacons distinguished from a divine Providence and we 
must thus Distinguish that so we may seperate between the Over ruling 
and Blameable Cause of an Evil Event, & thus I say as to the 
more direct and imediate ground or Reason of o' Defeat I judge the not 
landing of o' Army on a more convenient place was more to the 
Disadvantage ofo' Designe then any thing hath yet been said, for if 
we had been landed in upon the Enemie as we might have been then 
one belly-full of Provision had lasted until we liad gotten more or 
wanted none at all so it may [6] be said upon all other accounts so 
that there was our great disadvantage and this could not be easily 
p'vented and not to be blamed but as our hard happ, unlesse men must 
be Supposed to be Omniscient for indeed at a Distance & to the Eye' 
of Strangers the way to the Towne w''' we intended by landing below 
Charles River seemed the most easy passable & safe for our Army 
which yet proved farr otherwise for if we had gone any way but that 
we had probably attained our purpose If we had gone under our great 
Gunns into the Towne we had taken it without waiting for other Order 
but only fall on fellow Souldiers ; if we had lauded upon the South side 
of the Towne we had met with neither Real nor supposed Interruption 
till we had come up to their Stockados now it is too to late to relate 
how we came to Sustaine this Disadvantage ; yet as to the Soutli side 
and beyond the Towne we had no knowledge of it but by the french 
Captives whom we could not trust any further then we could fling or at 
least carry them; And as to o' landing under o' Guns into the Towne, 
the General intended when we had battered them well by Sea and the 
land Army was come to the Towne by Land then to land into the 
Lower Towne five hundred [7] able Seamen that were ready for the 
Purpose as to the place where we did land which was about a Mile and 
an halfe below Kebeque it was many waies disadvantag'd But especially 
in this that being so long & Interrupted brought us to many pauses 
before we came up to the Seat of o' Enemies Strength and under every 
Stop that we made I am satisfied tho we might gaine ground yet we 
lost heart which I do reckon to be the very proper and direct ruine of 



o' Designe and by this time I am come to the place where I intend to 
tell you plainly what I think to be the main principal Cause so far as 
humane Agents are concerned I say the next cause of our Defeat &C 
w'^'" I Eeckon to be 

2 Cowardize. It is an ill word to say but an harder to be guilty of, 
yet in my Opinion it was nothing less than true Courage w*^*" did prove 
the Ruine of such a Designe and so many hundred brave men that died in 
a Dishonourable retreate by the hand of God who testifies to us how Dan- 
gerous it is to Depart from Dutie tho Dangerous for want of Reslution, 
yet to Caution myself I doe assure you I never saw (and I have been 
in AVarr before) for the body of o' Armj' both Captaines Inferiour 
Officers and private Sentinels men more Zealously inclined to spend 
their Lives for their Countrey yea there seemed to me a more then 
Ordinary Impulse upon mens hearts that begat such a Courage in them 
that I am satisfyed upon the View of the whole Aifaire had the English 
Army been as Valiantly led up to the Towne as they would have 
followed and fought when [8] they came there the Towne and Coun- 
trey had been ours in a few houres after we came on Shore so that I 
cannot get over it but do think that it was Cowardize both ruined and 
Shamed us &c and to Illustrate this I must now give you as brief a nar- 
rative of the Matter in y"" History of it as I can and then shall leave 
it w"" you or any other man of Sense to judge y" Validity of my 
Assertion. 

As was said upon the 6"" of October in open day we saw all our fleet 
hapily (as we thought) at Anchor in the Road between Orleans the 
South and North Shore and Kebeque Towne. 

The Generall as had been determined by a Councell of Warr this 
morning sends his Piilace to the Towne with a message by Lieu' Tho: 
Savage to Frontiniack y" French Gov'no' I must abreviate the Infor- 
mation at this time Lieu' Savage comes back Frontiniack will give no 
other Answer to us (as he sayes then what we shall meet with at the 
mouth of his Gunns onley he tells him that o' King and Queen are 
Usurpers and we Rebells for casting of o' Allegiance to King .James 
and therefore what we had met with in New Engl [and] was but 
according to o' Demerritts &c 

There is a preparacon for the landing our Forces [9] the Companies 
that had been Transported in y" Ships of Warr were put on board of 
Small Vessells in the fleet for greater conveuiency of landing Amongst 
others Cap' Ephraim Savage was put on board of a small french 
Bar(jue we had taken on o' Voyage the Day was spent and Concluded 
that early the next Morning the Souldjers should land But when^the 
morning came it proved a very 111 day for Wind the sea run high that 
altho Some attempt was made for landing of o' fforces yet in a little 
time we saw it would be to y" great Damage of y'= Army and therefore 



9 

desisted and the Divine Providence now crossed our purpose yet gave 
us tliis day a very great Argument and Provocation to excite courage 
w'^'' is worth Souldiers waiting for & that was by the Retreate that one 
of o' Companys made from the North Shore in Spite of all the fforces in 
Kebeque the Account of it you may take thus 

Cap' Ephiaim Savage botli an honest & Valiant Gent taking it that 
his Orders from y" Lieu" Genr" were that he should weigh Anchor and 
get as neer the Shore as he could for landing this forenoone attended 
his Orders and att about half Ebbe or lesse came so neer Shore that the 
Vessell grounded w^'' the French soon espyed from y*^ Shore where 
several of them l^y to Watch our Motions the french came dowiie 
began to fire at o' men and our men at them againe briskly [10] the 
Tyde that stayes for no man hastens downe & in a little time leaves the 
Bark dry on the Flatts the french have notice at Towne she lying just 
below Charls River there comes scores or hundreds out of the Towne 
both horsmen and footmen makes many shotts at our Men but durst not 
board them, they repayre to Towne and as we thought by y' Carriage 
by Cattle horse and Carts they brought field pieces out of the Towne 
of Kebeque the Enemie came along the Beach with two Small Teams 
the One of horse the Other of Oxen We on board began to be in a 
thousand feares what would become of Cap' Savage & Company, we 
could not come to their Rescue if we had exposed the whole fleet & 
Weather was so bad we sent out some of our Boats but they could not 
come to the Bark nor land the Sea run so high the Enemy very Numer- 
ous on the Shore playiug their field pieces and Small armes and our men 
stoutly at them againe. Our Generall when they were tiiick about 
their Carriages where they seemed to have planted their peices shot 
some of his lower and biggest Guns, w'^'' made the Enemy fly and Scat- 
ter altho it were at a very great Distance the General & Captaine 
Eldridge made many shot w"' their great Guns at them w"'' could doe 
but little Execution only did much terrify them so that at last y' 
Cowardly French made one great flash and Smoke with [11] Powder 
and away they went with their Carriages againe Our men got out of 
the Barke, beat y" french from a Rock where they had advantagiously 
posted themselves and then returned into the Barke again having fought 
and beat them and when the tide came up againe got of w'hout the 
least damage save some bullet holes in their Clothes and one had his 
flesh grazed but not a limb lost or one drop of blood, this Single Com- 
pany of men may be said to have withstood all the force in Kebecjue 
& who would be afraid to encounter such Cowardly Frenchmen here- 
after ; this was a Manifest token of Gods Goodness to us and the 
Frenchmens Cowardize and I do think it was great Incouragement to 
all men in General against o' landing the next day w'^'' in Order of Story 
must be next related. 



10 

To proceed then to that part of o' Action that relates to o' Armv 
when on Shore this is y'^ ace" which I have to give you Having Con- 
sidered every place for landing o' fforces and having an account that 
Charls River w"'' runns downe by Kebeque North was fordible and 
passable for foot about low water and seeing all the time we lay there 
that the french went out of the Towne and over the River horse and foot 
& drave Cattle &c we concluded that to land a little below where the 
Barque went on Shore might be very Convenient and fitt for our pur- 
pose Therefore as I do remember about young flood in y"^ forenoon 
[12J upon the Eighth day of October we fell downe with all our Smal 
Vessells and Boats belonging to the Ships of Warr for landing It was 
Ordered that my self should stay until the Pinnace of our Ships had 
assisted the Army in landing and then it should come and carry me and 
some others (on board of o' Ship) on shore 

When the Boats came so neer Shore as they could get o' men were 
necessitated to wade, some up to midd thigh &c they had a bad landing 
but after some houres most of o' Army mounted the Bank of ihe River 
and drew into Order in their Several Regiments for march they had 
not stood long in their ffigure but y° French enemy (having placed an 
Ambuscado of about 700 men in a Sw^mip toward our Right Wing) 
made shot on o' Army and as I said before overshot us & before we 
gave them battle they made a Second Shot but very little to o' Dam- 
mage But our Armie quickly put them to the Rout & followed them in 
a Chace up to the North Towne & drove them up and downe in several 
parties a Considerable Space of time in the Skirmish many Memorable 
passages fell out to long to relate now we lost about eight men Slaine 
right out and several Wounded as Major Wade Cap' Savage Lieu' 
Knowlton &c we killed the Collonel of y" French as we were informed 
and many others between 30 and 50 reports are various and we had no 
time to examine [13] the ground But this we are assured of that a 
french Gentleman of a very manly figure and in a gentile Garb did 
present himself (in the fight) unto Captain March with offers at a Dis- 
tance to Surrender himself Cap' March perceiving it beat back his Men 
and did what he could in such a Crisis & Nick of time but could not be 
obeyed things were in such an hurry he was shot dead to the Ground 
who was in likely hood chief Comauder of the Enemy When most of 
the English Army was landed o' Pinnace came back I took passage in 
her towards the Shore and when come on land I perceived Several of 
o' men were wounded and the Army brought by this Scout of the 
Enemy to an Ill-convenient Stop I therefore w"'out staying for any 
(being very much troubleil in my mind) marched away thro a Swamp 
to a party of o' Army then at a Stand, at my first coming up my first 
Salute was thus Gentlemen you are out of yo' Witts we did not come 
hither to drive a parcel of Cowardly Frenchmen from Swamp to Swamp 



11 

but to attaque Kebeque thither Gentlemen is o' buisness Why Dont we 
march away for the Towne of Kebeque They told me they could not 
tell said I where is the Lieu' General Waliy They Answered They 
could not tell I went from one Comp" to another and in a little time I 
found him and I do assure you S' I was affected when I first saw him for 
to me he seemed very much downe in his Spirit to say no worse I 
saluted him with the Ordinary Complement and Said S' what doe you 
meane by these [14] kind of methods? Saith he I cannot rule them 
To whom I replyed S' you must not expect when men are let loose 
upon an Enemie that they should attend all the Ceremonies martial 
and that are in fashion in a field of Peace But S' said I what do you 
intend to doe he replyed I think they Intend to lodjje here all Night. 

Good S' said I by no meanes but let us march away for the Towne 
as fast as we can o' men are now Warme by to Morrow they will 
Stiffen and Coole therefoi'e Good S' Give y' Word to march & send 
away to those companies in the rear to march away (now there were 
about three Companies that had taken up houses and began to roast 
and bake for Supper) after much urging word was given to March, & 
away we went briskly as I thought with an Intent to Attaque the 
Towne, at least early y*^ next morning the way was very dismal for 
Swamps & smal Rivers or great Brooks for about a Mile ; The front- 
most of o' Army came to a farm house neer the River and within about 
half a mile or less of Kebecque when there I prayd y'^ Liev' General 
we might set out Centinels and call up the Rear of o' Army and 
lodge o' whole body for a few houres Sleep and get into a Posture for 
a March up to the Towne about [15] two houres before day and as the 
Tide would suit us for time would not admit of much lingring. but I 
will assure you things went on w"' Unsufferable Dulness enough to 
Discourage any men The General with his Ships of Warr Seing o' 
Colours advanced so neer the Towne prepared about the Suns going 
downe to give an Assault or before the moon being just at full helped 
him w"' its Light and us with its Influence Compleating a Sutable Tide 
either for Night or morning for our passing over the Charls River 

The Shipps of Warr were desired by the Liev' Gen" to make the 
first onsett which they did this Evening expecting we would have 
soon seconded them, but instead of it we spent away o' time after a 
fruitless maiier Cap' Hunt and Cap' Berry went to Charls River & 
came back told the Liev' General they had tryed the River and were 
almost over it and were not much above their Anckles 

Cap' Gwin and another person with the ffrench man that came in 
were sent over the Woody ground toward the Recolets house above 
Kebeque and Brought word it was Unpassable for our field pieces 

Our field pieces came on shore desirous to befriend our Souldiers I 
took with me Ensigne Noyce who was a forward man went downe to 



12 

the boats desired y'^ Mariners to favour o' Souldiers haviug had an 111 
Afteruoone and being very wet that they would be at the Pains to get 
the pieces on Shear themselves, they presently attended the buisness 
waded almost up to the middle some of them [16] and got the Pieces 
up to the house where we lodged. 

I do assure you S' our Lieu' General Seemed to me to be desti- 
tute of all proper care for the Mannagem' of the Army for the buis- 
ness that was before us and yet by the Index of a certain reserved 
Gravity & a Lonesome walk from place to place that he had he seemed 
to be swallowed up with thoughts which I can deem from first to last 
to be only the Invincible Arrest of fear The field pieces being got to 
Shore I then made it my buisness to inquire out the Lieu' General to 
offer a new notion to him and that was this, wlien I had found him by 
much Inquiry S' said I pray let word be sent away to those Companies 
in the Rear to come up that we may lodge here altogether a few 
houres and then be the better ready to march unto the Towne and good 
S' get to sleep as early as you can, he gives me the hearing but little or 
nothing is done he turnes away and when an army is encamped in the 
Night a man of no greater bulk is soon lost. 

There comes in the Interim two Messengers from Cap' Willye one 
of the Captaines in the Rear to know the Lieu" Generals mind they 
came to me and told me their Errand I was much jo3'ed with so lucky 
an Opportunity, began to incjuire againe for the Lieu' Gen" & at last 
found him told him the Message & prayed that their might be Orders 
to tliose men in their Return Vizt That Cap' Willye march up with 
his Companie & give word to several other Captaines to come away 
fonhw"' these were there Orders and y" men returned and away Slipps 
the Lieu' General againe and 1 doe seriously professe to you that 
though Several things of [17] Import happned and were attended this 
Night Vizt as the comming up of the Rear of o' Army, the Examina- 
tion of a Frenchman and the Sharing of a Small cask of French- 
wine sent from the General to comfort o' hearts amongst the chief 
Ofticers of the Army yet to my Inward grief then and to my Appre- 
hension now the night was spent in little else but padling and fooling 
as to our Laud concernes. 

I doe professe had we had a man that would have ventured his Life, 
his way had been to have stilled all noyse got himself and army into a 
few hours Sleep sent on board and had ready one bisquet cake pr man 
and a good round Dram and have put these into their bellys the next 
morning & in the heat of it marcht up to Towne the Army would I am 
satisfied by their Valour have payd him his Kindnesse in good Roast 
meat for Supper by the next night and a good feather bed t(5 have layn 
on instead of Boards or Straw. I am quite weary in perticulars there- 
fore Sir what I have to say further I will moddel into three parts as so 



13 

many Intolerable Errors committed on Shore as the great ground of 
our Defeat. 

First Our not going to the Towne to rights upon y" the first Oppor- 
tunity and Dismal douuness [18] of o' Lieu' Generals Countenanse & 
Spirit obvious (to all men that could look a man in the Face) and taken 
notice of I do think by hundreds besides my self was the first Error on 
shoar but now let this be Interrupted by what meanes Soever 

2 The second Unpardonable folly was the not taking and destroying 
the North Towne upon w^'" perticular depends this Story 

By the fryday morning the third day from o' landing many of our 
Souldiers began to he out of frame in their bodies and I dont know 
but many (by this time) thro want of Sleep and bad presidents &c 
might grow into such fears as they did not bring on Shoar with them 
so that new Measures were thought best and that it would be too to 
great an hazard to Attempt the towne of Quebec this way but to reira- 
barque and go into the face of the Towne under the great Gunns or to 
the South side and there to Land, or unto Orleance. It was concluded 
that the Lieu" Gen" and my self should go on board the General to dis- 
course with him. When we came to him the Circumstances of tlie Land 
Army are rep'sented to him as very dismal and that the French had 
raised new Works upon the backside of the Towne (tho for my part I 
could not see them) That at last it is consented to by the General he 
having made two Stout attaques upon y" lower Towne, and we never 
came up and Amiinition [19] was growne Scarce with him and the 
rest of the Ships of warr, I say he consented that we pposed new 
measures which in short were to this purpose To declare to the French 
people & Inhabitan'* that they Submit themselves to the Crowne of 
England and in so doing we promise life lands and liberty unto them 
or else we would lay all their countrey waste which we had yet spared 
and was now at our dispose the General orders us to goe on Shoare and 
the Majors & Cap" to be consulted in the matter. When we came the 
first News was Vizt That part of o' Army had had a fight with the 
Enemy our men did worst them abundantly but in the fight y" French 
drew downe towaids Charls River and on the other side our men dis- 
covered a considerable force drawne out of the Towne in a body some 
said there might be 700 some 2000 men, But this accident I dont think 
added much to o' Lieu' Generals Courage for he was much concernd 
and I doe assure you without Vanity I endeavo'd to encourage my 
Self and him what I could I was Speaking to him one time and as I 
Remember he saith we should certainly be assaulted by the Enemy 
this Night to whom I replyed let them Come we will fight with all 
Canada if they come there is no danger we are well Lodged & good 
field pieces to friend, let us be of good heart there is no Danger. 
After much delay a Council is called this Evening 



14 

[20j 1 : Q : The first Question propounded Whither it miglit be 
Consistent with o' hono' o' honesty Prudence and present Circumstances 
to propound Such merciful termes as are before mentioned to the french 
Inhabitants and performe them when we had done or ruine their 
Countrey they refusinp; to accept. 

Ans. After several Discourses it was thought consistent. 

2. Q How we should execute or accomplish this Contrivance ? 

An'. I told them what w"' their leave I would tel y" what I thought 
the only way to obtaine that which we aimed at and that was this Vizt 
Seeing we had renounced the Designe of falling upon Quebec our onely 
way would be to March our Army away to the North Towne and 
there we might in a little time either Impale or Intrench our Selves 
lodge our men in good houses and in taking that Towne we should take 
Orleans the Island that lay dovvne the River by it our Vessclls some of 
them falling downe the River on each side the Island We could easily 
passe and repasse from the said Island to the North Shore and so in a 
few dayes if the French would not Subject we could ruine those two 
places (which were [21] very considerable) and we might take y" for- 
rage of both and Orleance would Afford much and especially fresh and 
new provision for o' Army & when we had done all we pleased on that 
ace" we could lay all their houses and Barnes in Ashes which would 
have been greater Damage to them then ever they had done to us. 
I do judge that in this method we could have destroyed so many hun- 
dred Barns full of Corn Wheat Pease hay & dwelling houses as would 
have been more than 50000£ Str Damniage to the Enemy and taken 
much plunder beside And in probability not lost on Limb and dispatched 
all in a few Dayes. 

Now I say this I urged in that Councel w"' all the Zeale and Reason 
I had several of y" Cap'* were for it but some were against it especially 
the Lieu' General and the head Major who made this Answer to close 
the whole. Sailh he 

S' I wonder you will urge this thing so long there is no Reason in 
the Contrivance o'' best way is to Reimbarque &c so this Designe fell to 
y'^ Ground and there is I reckon the Second Error committed on Shore. 

3 The third Error is the base and Cowardly Losse of o' field pieces 
of wch I do think Christendome will ring and I account it is one of 
y" greatest blotts that English men have contracted within these Ages 
they have been Accounted among the Nations famous in Martial Actions 
and to give [22] j'ou an account of this I shall proceed with my Tale. 
When the Councel last named was finished I repaird to the house where 
I had taken up my Lodging and expecting a comfortable Night of Sleep 
and Quiet. Yet before I lay downe in my Straw I sat smoaking of a 
Pipe & discoursing with some of the Officers of the Army about the 
present Affayre who were very Zealous for to Attaq[ue] Quebec still 



15 

&c but before we had finished we were alarumed The Lieu' General in 
his own person comes to the Door and tells me S' We are ready to dislodge 
which might be about Eleaven of the Clock in the Night Our men were 
generally well lodged Some in houses others in Beds of Dry and Sweet 
hay, warm and asleep y*^ greatest part of the Camp unless Such as were 
out Sentinels &c but there is no withstanding it the Lieu' Generall saith 
about Eight of the Captains had been with him and desired it & he 
thought we should be assaulted by y" Enemy and they miglit burue and 
set fire to o' beds of Hay &c and S' this had been an AfTrightiug acci- 
dent and if it liad fell out as disturbed fancy makes it we had not onley 
died w"' the principles but the very death of Martyrs — also we had 
been taken and burnt Napping Whereupon we make an Universal 
Muster & take a very Silent March according; to o' Orders and good 
Reason to for we are Afrayd to awaken [23] Angry Frontiniack at 
that time of y" Night Our March holds out about 40 or 60 Rodds till we 
came to the River side and there we are encamped upon an Unmerciful 
cold beach within convenient Shot of Several pieces of Swamp very fitt 
for the Enemy &c many of our men I do Assure you just coming from 
bed goe to bed againe upon the Wet and cold Sand; they lye many of 
them 30 or 40 in a lieap like hoggs in a Stye I Ciiallenge them to get 
up and run for a Dram of the bottle a Temptacon fit for Souldiers that 
they might be kept in accon I went to the Lieu' General intreated liim 
that we might march away for the Nortli Towne if it was only to keep 
our men Stirring they would else many of tliem be Spoyled this Des- 
perate cold Niglit Ensigne Peter Noyce was sent w"' a Scont of men 
to discover how the Passage was he quickly returnes with Word that the 
way was good and very passable for o' field pieces and not long after 
we had a message from the General to the Lieu' General to this pur- 
pose. S' It is impossible for me to Assist yo' Reimbarquing this Night 
the tide so falls out but pray do what you can to encourage yo' self & 
men and pray do you burn and destroy all that you possibly can of the 
Enemies, so far y'^ Gen" [24] Notwithstanding all these provocations to 
be upon Action here we lye all tliis cold night under many Solerane 
Circumstances, And perceiving nothing would be attended but going on 
board I told y'= Lieu' General I thought his way for the safety and honor 
of his Retreat (least we should loose y" field pieces) would be to send 
for a fleet of Boats and so according to the march of Warr to imbarque 
one Regim' first all together, and with them to carry of four of his field 
pieces, the others according to the Lot of Warr keep their ground to 
answer the Enemy if they should Attaq us and so the other Regiments 
in Order and field pieces with them that we might not be put into con- 
fusion and forced to part with such Gunns and so w'hen day was come 
and the Generals pinnace came on shoar I went on board with a pur- 
pose to bespeak some comfort for the Souldiers which was soon sent 



16 

and to give y^ Gen" an Account of the Army, w''' which he was very 
much Aggreived when he heard liow things were and hardly if possible 
(all Circumstances considered) to be retrieved. 

The Army continues here on Saturday the fourth day from our Land- 
ing and about two houres before Sunset the Enemy Alarme us Some 
small parties of o' men are sent out to fight them but with Order not to 
burne any house in the Attempt. Our meu beat them from place to 
place up toward y" North [25] Towne and about Sun set o' Companies 
come back to the Headquarters, and the Army begins to Imbarque but 
in the greatest Confusion imaginable and no man must meddle with the 
field pieces, The Lieu' General tells thera he had rather loose all y' field 
pieces then one mans life and therefore bidds the Boates take of the men 
and let the field pieces alone, Some men be layes over the head (as is 
said) Others he threatens very manfully that were about getting the 
field pieces into their Boats that he would lay them over the heads if 
they did not let the Guns alone and get the men off; Alas! what were 
a few Guns to the Lives of men and so when be had set things in this 
(dis)order he takes a boate and goes of himself But to be short about 
midnight the whole Army gets off and the Field pieces are left to fill 
our faces with Shame & our enemies w"' triiiph as to our horrour and 
grief we beheld y^ next morning and this is the last Error coihitted on 
Shore, and all these put together are the true grounds of our over- 
throw in my Opinion 

Upon this does arise two Questions. 

1 Qu. Whither the Shore & especially the field pieces were left 
basely and Cowardly or no ? 

Anr. To flee when no man pursues is Cowardise in Triumph and 
this was the Case for a few of our brave Souldjers had beaten the En- 
emy and there is none but their Shaddows left and the Impressions of 
them in a Disordered Phancy. Who then can [26] prove Advocate for 
this base retreate. 

2 Qu. Who was in fault for the loss of five able field pieces com- 
pleatly fitted with Harness and Shot and of about 800 weight apiece, 
who must be blamed ? 

Aur. L The Gunners could not be in fault for they were discharged 
because they staying by their Guns might have been killed and better 
loose the pieces then their lives, 

2. The General Gunner that had a Commission over the Guns he 
could not be blamed because his CoiiiissoS was but Subordinate to the 
Lieu' Generals Comisson and had the General Gunner medled w"' them 
contrary to the Lieu' Generals Order he had certainly incurred Danger 
of being guilty of any mans life that had perished by the mednes accord- 
ing to our Lieu' Generals Rules in War 

3 It cant be the fault of those men that came w"' perticular Orders 



17 

to bring them aboard on such Vessells as they belonged too, for they 
shewed their good Will and Attended their Orders, till y" Lieu' 
General threatned them out of all as is evident upon Sufficient 
Witness. 

4 It was not any fault in the Rearmost of y"^ Army Valiant Cap' John 
Marsh Lieu' fFowle and Ensigne Peter Noyce brought of the Rear of the 
Army and it could not be their fault for the Guns were covered with 
the Tide before it was their turues to get into the Boates, they [27] 
either knew nothing of them or could not get at them without Diving 
so that they cant be blam'd. 

5 It was none of the Enemies fault Neither for they had been driven 
and chased away by our men and never came neer to Disturb o' imbark- 
ing, nay had rather make a Silver Bridge for us flying then to invite or 
provoke our Stay for they did not like our Company so that to draw a 
conclusion from the premises I am ready to resolve it was either the 
Lieu' Gen"^ fault or else the fault was in the Guns themselves that they 
being fitted for motion and in danger of falling into the Enemies hands 
did not in the hurry & Crowd of the retreate go on board of the boates 
Themselves. But possibly the Lieu' Gen"* good aflfection to his mens 
lives wilbe his pardon & Discharge. 

Reply. 1. Were field pieces and mens lives to be bought & Sold over 
a Dish of Coffee by an Incli of Candle ' then indeed let any man be Rec- 
coned inhumane and Cruel that will not bid more to save a mans life 
then he will bid for five field pieces. Especially when the purse of a 
Countrey must pay y"^ Purchase But S' we are not now at any Such 
Game w"" Frontiniack. 

Rep. 2 We must know that all the banners & Ensignes of bono' in 
Warr which are the Glory of a Crown, of a Nation, of an Army ought 
Stoutly to be defended with the Peril & loss of mens Lives rather 
then basely to be betrayed or Surrendred into the [28] hands of the 
Enemy and much mure then such able field pieces as ours were that 
carry both honour and Safety with them what man in o' Army could 
indure the thought to Attempt the Enemy againe when we have so 
flusht them w"' Apparent Tokens of a Cowardly Spirit in us & 
have furnished them with field pieces so considerable a Strength which 
pieces well improved will be found between two Able Armies to be the 
Odds & Difference of 500 if not a 1000 men ; to have taken them of 
with us had cost our men at the most but a little more Sweat and 
o' Lieu' Gen" but a little more fear if he would have been so valiant as 
to have stayed the Doing of it. 

But now we cannot reckon but upon the Losse of many a life and 

^ "An old metliod of selling by auction, still sometimes practised, in which a 
small piece of candle is liglited at the beginning of a sale, and the highest bid 
made before the wick falls is successful " (Century Dictionary). — Ed. 



18 

limb to recover them. So that for my private Censure when the blame 
is rightly fixed as I do think it is in these lines there is no less then 
Death deserved ; The Losse of pay and wearing the wooden Sword 
are but little better then Childrens pay upon Such an Unpardonable 
Omission. 

Thus S'' you have from me what I take to be the true grounds of our 
Defeat in o'' late Voyage and to conclude if you will take any notice of 
my Observations upon the Providence of god concerning us this then 
hath been much with me that to the best of my Discerning whilst we 
were w"^ God in the way of Duty God was with us. But when we 
desert our Dutie and buisness we were sent about by God and o' 
Countrey God follows Us with Crosses and Confusion 

[29] S' in at this Door comes our Ruine and by that time the Army 
is on board its so wide open that there is no Shutting of it. Now Now 
indeed the want of Time the want of Amunition and of Field pieces and 
Provision may be Reckoned great Obstructions to o' future Attempts 
that we might think of But how comes this great Scarsitie and famine 
upon Us ? let that be Answered. 

1. The General was extreamely concerned and Says he would 
rather have dyed then so basely have betrayed the bono' of that 
Crowne whose Quarrel we were now in the Defence of &c 

2. He had determined to have had a Councel of War but the 
Weather grew very tempestuous and y° Case under several Considera- 
cons desperate & concluding to goe for England for the Reinforcing 
the Action falls downe the River against the Upper Towne on y" South 
Shore of Orleans where he held a treat for y"" Exchange of Captives 
and being delay ned longer then he expected on the 15th of October 
1090 in the Morning gave his Usual Signal which was the firing of a 
Gun for the whole fieet to come to sayle hoping for a Convenient Time 
to settle the Voyage home and his owne for England Imediately when 
he was gotten below y" Narrows But the Wind and Weather came on 
so Tempestuous that every man was necessitated to Shift for himselfe. 

[30] and this brings us to the sad Conclusion of an hopefull begin- 
ning S'' you must Pardon Some Expressions of Immodesty or Such as 
Carry Self Arrogance with them for they are the very Native dress of 
matter of fact &c Therefore I use them rather then dress a Discourse 
in another Skin then it was born in and so S' in the Straitness of time 
I bid you farewell 

23 Decemb' 1690 "^ ^^ 

P. S. 

S' I cannot for want of time advantage this Discourse or gratify 
yo' Desires with the 2d perticular pmised in y'= beginning for w''' I 
ask yo' pardon hoping it wilbe done by a Better pen. 



19 

[31] The Coppy of the Generalls Commission 

The Governour and General Court of their Ma'''^'. Colony of the 
Massachusetts Bay in New England. 

To S' William Phipps General, Greeting 

Whereas you are appointed General of all the fforces raised and to 
be raysed for their Ma"". Service in the intended Expedition to Canada 
against the ffrench the declared Enemies of the Crowne of England 
who have likewise appeared to joyne with supply and assist the Indians 
in the making and carrying on of a bloody Warr against their Ma"". 
Subjects of the Colonies & Plantatons of New England; And have 
actually made horrid and Barbarous Depradations and Destruction of 
their Lives and Estates. 

Reposing special Trust and Confidence in yo' Loyalty, Courage and 
Conduct 

These are in their Ma"". Names to comissionate and Authorize you 
to take under your Care and Conduct all the said fforces as well the 
Land as Sea Forces and faithfully and dilligently to discharge the Duty 
ofyo' Place, by leading Ordering and Excersisiug yo' Inferio' Officers & 
Souldjers in Armes; And to attack take fight pursue plunder kill and 
destroy the said Common Enemie ffrench & Indians by Sea and Land; 
keeping yo' Officers Souldiers and Seamen in good Order, Commanding 
them to obey you as their General according to the Rules and Disci- 
pVme of Warr ; And yo' selfe to Observe & obey such Orders and 
Instructions as jou shall receive from the Governo' & Councel or 
General Court of this [32] Colony for their Ma''"-'\ Service pursuant 
to the trust reposed in you In Testimony whereof y" Publique Seale of 
the abovesaid Colony is hereunto affi.xed. 

Dated in Boston the Fourth day of July 1690 In the second yeare 
of the Reigne of o' Soveraigne Lord and Lady William and Mary 
King and Queen of England Scotland fFrance and Ireland, Defenders 
of the Faith &c 

Signed Simon Broapstreet Goii'' 

By Order of y' Gov'no' 
& General Court 

Isaac Addington Sec''!'. 

The Coppy of y° Generalls Instructions. 
Instructions for S' W'" Phipps General 

Whereas you are appointed and Commissionated by the General 
Court of their Ma"" Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England 
to take the chief command as General of all the military fforces ship- 
ping and Seamen now provided and fitted out for their Ma"". Service 



20 

in the Intended Expedition to Canada against the Common Enemy 
ffrench and Indians. 

Pursuant unto yo' Said Commission you are to take all the said 
fforces under yo' conduct and command. And having Embarcjued yo' 
Souldiers to take the first Opportunity of fair Wind and Weather and 
Set Sayle on the said Expedition directing yo' course for Canada You 
are to take especial care and command that the holy AVorship of God 
be constantly celebrated & attended in daily reading of Gods Word 
and Pr.ayers And [33] that the Sabbath be duly sanctified that so you 
may obtaine the presence aud blessing of God upon yo' undertaking to 
Crowue it with Successe you have the Company and Assistance of some 
Rev'' and worthy Divines to further that worke, unto whom you are to 
show all due respect & kindness. Let all cursing Swearing drunken- 
ness debauchery and all manner of Prophaneness be Suppressed and 
duly punished. Let yo' care be that yo' Souldiers and Seamen be sup- 
plied and allowed Suteable provissions and other necessaries You are 
to take Effectual care that yo' Ships & Souldiers be provided and fitt 
for Service And to prosecute yo' Commission in making what Spoyles 
& destruction you can upon the Enemy ffrench and Indians. You are 
to indeavour what you can to take them by Surprize, exposing yo' owne 
men as little as may be taking Special care in yo' Landing, Marches, 
and Assaults that you be neither Ambuscadoed nor betrayed by the 
Enemy, In case they shall Surrender themselves and ask for quarter 
you are to grant them their Lives, And nothing else but at discretion 
onely, Unless it appeare for their Ma"^. Service and you be necessi- 
tated to consent to farther Termes. 

Let no inhumanity barbarousness or cruelty be excersised towards 
any and Spare the Lives of as many Women Children and persons not 
actually in Armes as may be. 

[34] In case of misbehavio' in any of yo' Officers as unfaithfulness 
in their Trust Cowardise or other misdemeano"' giving just cause for the 
Same being so judged by yo' Selfe and Councel yon are Impowred to 
remove Such Officer or Officers from thier command and place other in 
their Roome. 

You are to indeavour an Intelligence & Correspondence with 
fforces going from Albany and to joyne and Assist each other in any 
Attempt as there may be Opportunity. 

You are carefully to preserve secure and bring away all publique 
Stores great and Small Artillery, Amunition and plunder that shalbe 
recovered from the Enemie. 

If Opportunity p'eSent doe what Spoyle you can upon the Enemy 
in yo' goinc or Retnrne So as you do not thereby obstruct the main 
Designe. 

Let the Inhabitants of the Countrey be disarmed and the Souldiers 



21 

removed if Opporturity present, their Sorts & ffortiticatioiis be demol- 
ished and doe wliat you can for weakning of the Enemy and putting 
them out of Capacity to annoy their Ma"". Subjects. 

Talie all Opportunities to advise the Govrno' & Councel of your 
proceedings and Success. 

You are to make all possible dispatch to returne home agayne with 
all yo' Ships and Souldiers, if yo' self and Council upon due consulta- 
tion had find you cannot leave some in Garrison upon the Place [35] 
to keep possession thereof without imminent danger of their being cut 
of by the Enemy or lost for want of Supply\ which is referred to the 
good sound discretion of yo' Self and Council, what wilbemost for their 
Ma"" Service, the charge of Setting forth this Expedition being vast 
and of great Import. 

In case yo' self be removed by death (w"*" god forbid) Lieu' General 
Walley is to take yo' Command. 

In yo' whole proceeding and mannagem' of this great Affayre you 
are to act with the Advice & concurrence of yo' Council or the Major 
part of them who are hereby constituted of the Lieu' General the Ma- 
jors of the Regiments the Rev' Divines Captaines of the Shipps of 
Warr & Military Companyes And in case y° Emergency and necessity 
of any Action so require then to act by the advice of so many as you 
have Opportunity of consulting And in all let your Reliance and de- 
pendance be on the Wisedome Conduct and Arme of the Lord of Hosts, 
with whom alone it is to give Successe. 
Signed 

Sim- Broadstreet Gou". 

Let yo' Chyrurgions that are placed in y' Hospitall Vessells be fur- 
nished with all Necessaries, and have Sutable Assistance. 

By Order of the Gov" & Council 

Isaac Addington Sec'''. 

[36] At a Councel of Warr held on board his Ma"" Ship the Six 
friends Riding at Anchor in y'^ River Canada near the Island of 
Orleans October 5th 1690. 

Present The hon'"^ S' William Phips K' Gener' 

The hon"' John Walley Lieu' General Majo' Nathaniel Wade Majo' 
Samuel Ward Majo' Tho Savage Master Grindal Rawson M' John 
Emerson M' John Hale Cap' Thomas Gilbert Cap' Jos. Eldridge M' 
Jn" Wise Cap' Ephraim Savage Cap' Daniel King Cap' Gregory 
Sugars Cap' Jn° Caroll Cap' George Corwin Cap' Tho : Carter Cap' 
Ebenezer Front Cap' W" Rayment Cap' John Wing Cap' Joseph 
Wilson Cap' Stephen Crosse Cap' Tho : Andrevvs Cap' Andrew 
Edmonds Cap' W" Wormall Cap' Jq" Withrington Cap' Stephen 
Greenlefe Cap' Andrew Gardiner Cap' Jn" Marsh Cap' Edward 



22 

Willey Cap' Nath : Norden Cap' Tho Barnard Cap' Philip Nelson Cap' 
Lieu' Thomas Savage 

The following Summons was read duly considered and ordered to 
be sent to Count Frontiniack or the cheif in Authority At Quebeck by 
the hand of Cap' Lieu' Thomas Savage. 

S' William Phips K' General and Comander iu Chief in and over 
their ma"", forces of New England by Sea and Land. To Couut Fron- 
tiniack Lieu' General and Governo' for the French King at Canada &c 
or in his absence to his Deputy or him or them in Chief Command at 
Quebeck. 

[37] The Warrs between the two Crowns of England & France doth 
not only Sufficiently Warrant but the Destruction made by the French 
and Indians under yo' Command and Encouragein' upon the Persons 
and Estates of their Ma'"". Subjects of New England without provaca- 
tiou on their part hath put them under the Necessity of this Expedition 
for their owne Security and Satisfaclon 

And altho the Cruelties and Barbarities used ag' them by the ffrench 
and Indians might upon the present Opportunity prompt to a Severe 
Revenge yet being desirous to avoid all Inhumane and unchristian like 
Actions and to prevent Shedding of blood as much as may be I the 
aforesd S' W"* Phips K' do hereby in the Name and on the behalf of 
their most Excell' Ma"" William & Mary King & Queen of England 
Scotland France and Ireland Defenders of the Faitli &c and by order 
of their said Ma"" Goura' of the Massachusetts Colony in New Eng- 
land Demand a present Surrender of yo' forts and Castles undemolishd 
and the Kings and other Stores unimbezeled with a Seasonable delivery 
of all Captives together w"' a Surrender of yo' Persons and Estates at 
my dispose Upon the doing whereof you may expect mercy from me as 
a Christian according to what shalbe found for their Ma''"' Service & 
the Subjects Security w'** if you refuse forthw"' to doe I am come pro- 
vided and am resolved by the help of God in whom I trust by force of 
Amies to revenge all wrongs & Injuries offered and bring you under 
Subjection to y" Crown of England [38J And (when too late) to make 
you wish you had accepted of the favour tendred. 

Yo' Answer Positive in an houre Returned by yo' owne Trumpet 
with the returne of mine, is required upon the Peril that may ensue. 

To Count Frontenack or to him or them in Chief Authority at 
Present in Quebeck. 

Another Councel of Warr was held on board y' Six friends October 
13"- 1690. 

Ordered That a Survey be made of the Stores of Amunicon and 
Provisions, and y'= Capacity of the Souldiers and a Returne to be made 
to this Councel at the Next Session. 



23 

This Councel Adjourned themselves until Monday the fourteenth 
Instant 

Monday the 14"' Instant proveing very Windy & unseasonable y° 
Council could not meet according to Adjournment. 

[39] To the Hon"= Goveruour & Council 

The Deposition of Caleb Ray Field Marshal 

Being on shore according to my Duty upon Saturday I understood 
the Lieu' General was minded to draw of the Armie about six of the 
Clock in the Evening I asked the Lieu' Genr" what Orders he were 
pleased to give me he iinediately bid me command any Boats to carry 
of the Men as they came and p'sently afterwards the Lieu' General 
was rariied by me upon my back into the Boat and then I went to 
command the Boates to take what men came first to the Boates but 
being repulsed and kept of with the boats Oares Threatning w"" Hector- 
ing Words and it was Dark night I was no waies obeyed and had no 
order to draw of any Gun by y" Lieu' Gen" but sometimes standing and 
by and by running to and fro in the Water sometimes above my middle 
and thus for two houres and aboue and the whole Orders I had from 
the Lieu' General was when the Pinnace came on shoare to get of the 
Reformados ^ — now having stayed so long in the Water and no man to 
observe any tiling to what I said and being night and Dark and boats 
hastned away I was forced to take my Birth where I could get it. and 
further saith not dated in Boston y' 28"' Nov""*" ; 1690 

Signed by 

Caleb Ray 

To the hon'''". Simon Broadstreet Esq' & y'^ hon''''= his Council 
The Deposition of Alexander Smart Humbly Sheweth 
That whereas yo' Servant had a Warrant granted & directed to him 
for y" Executing [40j tlie office or place of Master Gunner of all the 
great Guns and Artillery to be put on Shore at or ueer Quebeck as 
shalbe seen fitt for the Expedition to Canada Signed by the hon'''"" S' 
William Phips General of all the forces both by Sea and Land &c and 
by vertue of the aforesd Warrant did receive an Order from the said 
General on board his Ship after the Gunns had been on Shoare two 
dayes to goe on Shore and take charge of the Guns & Artillery accord- 
ingly I went and when on Shoar I asked y" Lieu' General whither his 
Hono' were minded to march forward or against the Towne that I 
might have the Guns ready but he replyed and said he had a mind to 
goe on board againe I desired to know for what he said for Recruit for 
the men who much wanted it and then yo' Serv' replyed there was 
nothing to be had but Salt provisions on board and fresh provisions 
neerer by on Shore And likewise desired that if his hono' were in- 
tended to draw of and goe on board it were best to send of the Guns 



24 

first with the Artillery to w*^'' his hono' replyed by and by and the 
Second time I went to him I told his bono'' it was neer night & requested 
and prayed him to send of ffour of the Guns and keep two on Shoar 
which would be enough to keep of the Enemy to which the Lieu' Genr' 
Replyed he would let it be Dark first and afterwards I saw his bono' 
no more on Shore being the Saturday about Six a Clock at Night but 
inquiring was informed that he was gone of after which Cap' March's 
Company M' Witteridge & my Selfe brought downe to the Waterside 
about Eight of the Clock in the Evening One of the Guns being the 
last Gun and got it into the boat and then were brought all the guns 
down to the Beach but the men crowding so into y" Boats and not 
regarding what I spake to them but all of y"" crying out and saying 
their head & Lieu' General was gone & it was time for the Tayle to 
follow telling me I regarded Guns more then their Lives this is a 
Truth Dated in Boston this 27th day of November 1690 

Alexander Smart. 

[41] To the Hon"« the Gouern' & Councill The Deposition of 
Richard Withredge belonging to the Six Freinds ; — 

Beinc; Coinanded by the Generall to goe on shoare & take Charge 
of one gun or feild peece; — upon Saterday evening darke my gun be- 
ing brought downe I made a stir to get my gun of but the Lieuf Geu" 
bid me hush or he would breake my pate if I persisted & Coinanded 
Silence my Replye was I care not I will have my gun of by the helpe 
of God and stay by it saying the Enuemy had guns to many for us 
already & after a great troble & paines I got the guii of but the L' 
Gen" was all the time Coiuanding hush & I should never have been 
able to have gotten it of if I had obeyed his Coiiiands it was Cap' march 
& some of his Comp* with the master gunner m' Smart & my Selfe y' 
brought the gun downe to the water side being the last gun y' was 
brought downe & the same gun was brought on board & farther sayth 
not dated in Boston y^ 28"' Novemb'. 1690 

RiCHERD WhITTEEADG 

[42] To the Honble the Governo' & Council 

The Deposition of Simeon Butler 

Going on Shoar by Order and Command of Cap' Joseph Eldridge in 
the long boat to fetch of what I should be commanded to doe by the 
Lieu' General and being on shoar and not seeing y" Lieu' General I 
sent two of my men out of the boat to receive in with other assistance 
the Guns or field pieces and at the same time refusing to take in any 
Souldiers to the doing of which I was oblidged to stand upon Guard y' 
I might be able to receive in the Guns w"*" was my Order and at the 
same time the Souldiers in general Vogue told me it was the Lieu' 
Generals Order to take in Souldjers and I replyed I knew of no such 



25 

Orders and no man I would take in before the Guns in y" hearing of 
which words of mine the Lieu' General was p'sent and was come 
dowue and Answered himself being in a boat by that lie would Slash 
me w"' his Curtlace if I would not take in the men I told him I would 
be obedient to his Command but that I thought it most needfull to 
bring of the Guns first upon w''' I had his Command to Carry of what 
Souldjers came saying one mans life was of more worth then the Guns 
and further saitb not Dated in Boston y' 28"" November 1690 

Signed by 

Simeon Butler 

[43] To the Hon*"" Governo' & Council the Deposition of W"'. Gover 
ordered by Cap' Eldridge to goe on Shore for Mannagem' of One Gun 
or Field piece. 

Being on Shore my Gun was removed from place to place for Ser- 
vice and my Gun was placed on the left wing pointing to the Towne 
and upon Saturday about Six a Clock in the Evening our Lieu' Simeon 
Butler comming on Shore about the same time and Seing the Master 
Gunner in the boat I requested s"" Lieu' (being then very 111) to give 
me leave to go off if possible and he said nay for it could not be and the 
boat should come again and take of the Guns with that I went to my 
Gun obeying the Order of the Lieu' General and stood to the same till 
about Eight of the Clock in the Evening staying there not knowing of 
any Removal mine being the third Gun and two brought down before 
my Son being Coxen of the Captains Boat saying father most of the 
Company is got downe and the Lieu' is below to take y' Gun in and 
with that I made all the Dispatch to get some hands to hale my Gun 
downe haling him downe to low water mark I asked for a boat to put 
him in and lying upon my Gun a Considerable time y' Water flowing 
much I lay upon the Gun, till she was up to the Muzzle in Water, 
asking why the Gun could not be taken the Answer was that the Lieu' 
General should say all the men should be first taken of for tliat one 
mans life was more worth then the Guns as the whole Vogue of Soul- 
diers said, not being suffered to call for a Boat and being much indis- 
posed I took the Opportunity to goe off in Cap' Gwin's smal boat to his 
Vessel and afterward to Cap' Eldridge and further saith not Dated in 
Boston the 28"' Novemb' 1690 

Signed by 

William Gover 

ITAe Enl] 



26 

It is interesting to note the fact that Cotton Mather used 
the second or unsigned paper in the preparation of his Life of 
Sir William Phips (London, 1697), which also appeared later in 
the Magnalia (Book IL pp. 35-75). In "Some Few Remarks, 
upon A Scandalous Book [by Robert Calef], against the Gov- 
ernment and Ministry of New-England, . . . Composed and 
Published by several Persons belonging to the Flock of some 
of the Injured Pastors " (Boston, 1701), there is printed a 
letter from Cotton Mather, wherein he says : — 

The History was no sooner abroad, but in the Preface to the Life 
of Mr. Bailey, I inserted such words as these ; That Malice it self may 
never hiss with the Least Colour of Reason any more, I do here declare ; 
let any man Living, Euince any one material mistake in any of my Com- 
posures, it shall have the most Publich Recantation that can be desired 
[Magnalia, III. 224]. All men will say this offer was fair. Well, 
when mine (and Religions) Adversaries, had with a concocted malice, 
done all they could, they thought at last they had found one passage, 
wherein they might impeach my Veracity. I had said, That before 
Quebeck, Sir William lay within Pistol-Shot of the Enemies Canon, and 
that his Ship was Shot through, in an Hundred places, & that it was 
Shot through, with Four and Twenty Pounders. (Tis a gross Hardship 
for any to take my meaning, as if all the Shot had been so.) And 
now they fall to Tragical Exclamations ; they think Four and Twenty 
Pounders to be too small Dimensions, for the Clamours they must 
Batter me withal ? But, hold Robin, I am not so soon Sliot through ; 
and the Statue as I told thee, has knock'd ont thy Brains. I wrote no 
more than the very words, which I find in a Journal of the Expidition 
to Quebec ; and as any Gentleman may see it if he will, so there is no 
Gentleman but what will count this my sufficient Excuse (pp. 51, 52). 

In this letter from Cotton Mather, he gives no intimation as 
to the authorship of the anonymous paper ; but certain ex- 
pressions in "Some Few Remarks, upon A Scandalous Book" 
and in the Magnalia are nearly identical, and they are the same 
in substance as appear in the paper now printed. Compare 
the extract here given with the account in the Magnalia and 
also with page [21] of the anonymous paper ; and there are 
other instances of close resemblance between Mather's lan- 
guage and the "Journal of the Expidition to Quebec." Pre- 
sumably Increase Mather, for some time after his return to 
Boston, was in possession of both these narratives, and during 
this period the son doubtless had access to them. 



27 
The second of these papers is as follows: — 

[1] S", — I know you will expect from Mee an account concerning 
the Troubles which this distressed and (except ^cos cltto fjLijxai'rj^ shall 
prevent it) perishing Land has for these two or three last years been 
bleeding under. The present war with the French & Indians of Canada 
began about two years agoe in y" Time w" S' E. A. was Governor here 
in N: E: [* * * I need not Say to you (for you perfectly understand 
it) y' Hee & his creatures did what They pleased acting by an Illegall 
& Arbitrary Co'iTi" from y'-" Late K : James. As soon as Intelligence 
arrived conceining his present Majesty (y" Pr: of Orange) his Heroic 
undertaking to deliver y" English nation from Popery & Slavery This 
Androsse Emitted or caused to bee printed at Boston Jauu : 8 1688 
a proclamation ag' y'^ Invasion from Holland as Hee there calls it charg- 
ing Every person in N: E: Especially all officers CivFll & Military 
that They should to their utmost oppose y' blessed design of y'^ Prince. 
These things & many other the like did so Exasperate y"^ People as 
that They rose as one man, & Abdicated Androsse & his Evill Instru- 
ments from y' Government. Wee really believe y' if he Had continued 
xVew England & So America would have been in y" French hands ere 
this day This very Androsse] ' in a Time of Peace did Some acts of 
Hostility ag" the French belonging to Acady taking from M" Casteen 
what Ainunition & trucking cloth &c. could bee found in his house. 
That Mounseiur having married the Daughter of an Indian Sagamore, 
it was by all men of Sense concluded that y" French & Indians (who 
are neither of Them guilty of forgetting wrongs) would revenge that 
Injury. 

What S' Ed^ Design was, or w"" Hee thought it his Interest to grati- 
fye, or who set him awork thus to Involve New England in those 
Miseries & Devastations which have since & thereupon insued, God & 
Hee can tell & y° discoveries of y" great day will manifest to all y'' 
world. But as to the bloud which has bin shed, it is certain ye French 
& Indians were y^ first Aggressors ; tho which of y° two have bin 
most barbarous it is hard to say. Both Papists & Pagans and a sort 
of men as bad or worse than Either of Them, who pretend to bee 
Protestants were Inraged at y" Revolution in England & so w"" u.s in 
N. E. Wee were quickly sensible y' y' Dragon was wroth & y' y° 
Remnant in this wildernesse who were desireous to keep y' coiuand- 
ment of God were in danger [2] to bee carried away w"' a flood. For 
in y'-' year 1689 the Heathen Instigated by French Idolaters did w"* fire 
& .Sword, make y' Plantations in y' Eastern parts of New. J^ngland 
desolate, captivating many of y" English belonging to y" Province of 

1 The part of the communication within brackets is written on tlie preceding 
blank-page, with tliis note in the margin: "refer to page 1. * * *" — Ed. 



28 

Mayn, & many likewise within y'^ Governmeat of New York. W" 
things were brought to this Extremity, it was high time for us in 
New England not only to thiuk of defending our Selves but of Dis- 
lodgeingor Subjecting Such ill Neighbours and Enimies to y" Crown of 
England, as well as of His Maj''*-' good Subjects in New England. 

Wherefore in may Last, a small fleet was seat from Boston under 
y'' Conduct of y' worthy & valiant Knight S' W'" Pliips in order to 
bring Acadye (y' w'*" was formerly called Nova Scotia) into Subjection 
to y'^ English Crown which was Soon done. The French Governor & 
Souldiers there being brought prisoners to Boston. The Planters w''° 
had not bin concerned in shedding blood Sware alleigance to K : W: 
& Q: M This territory however sleighted by some men ill affected 
towards y" present Gov' in England may bee Improved so as to bee 
Exceedingly advantagious to y" English Crown & nation. But the 
Chief Strength of y"" French in these pts is in Canada. That has bin 
y° Source of N : Euglands Late Calamities. From thence iiad y*^ 
bloudy Indians their Supplyes of AiTiunition. There dwell j' men 
y' murdred so many Innocents amongst us, w'^'out any maner of 
wrong or provocation on o' parts.' And considering y' war was now 
proclaimed between y° Crowns of Engl : & France It was conceived 
y' it would bee a great service for their Majestyes [3] ; as well as an 
undertaking absolutely necessary for our own safety (and Salus Populi 
Suprema Lex) to Endeavor y"^ Extirpation or Subjugation of y'^ French 
& Indians, who by ye bloudy Instigation of fiery Jesuits, were design- 
ing no Lesse ag* us & Consequently ag' all ye English America. It 
was y' concurring resolution of all y' Colonies in N: P^: w''' New York 
to attack Canada at once both by Sea & Land A thousand P^uglish w"' 
1500 Indians under y"^ Conduct of Maj : Generall Winlkrop were to 
go over Land & fall upon Mont Real one of ye Principal towns in 
Canada. 

The English Companies marched as fur as y^ Lake but some of y" 
few Jacobites w^'' are in this pt of y"^ world, had bin tampring w"* y"^ 
Indians to dissuade them from Joyning w"" y' English ag' ye ffrench, 
also y° Small Pox brake out amongst Them so that the greatest pt of 
Those Indians did not appear according to Promise & Expectation, 
which So far discoraged Maj : Winthrop yt he returned agn. oidy 40 
resolute English then & Some Indians w"' them went over y"^ Lake and 
after They had done Considerable damages to the ffrench came home 
very much blaming y' others for not going w"" Them. In ye mean 
time a fleet was fitted at Boston to fall upon Quebeck y" Cheif Citty in 
Canada w"' above 2000 Souldiers under y" Coiuand of S' \V"' Pbipps 

1 Excepting what was done by their good Christian S' E. A. wliom (as our 
released Prisoners inform us) ye Priests & Jesuits in Canada pray for by name 
Every day. 



29 



as General. They waited till August for further Supplies of Amuni- 
tiou from England having Early in y' Spring sent a sloop to London 
for Powder &c. which by reason of a generall Imbargoe [4] there is 
not returned to us till this day, which provd a very unhappy delay. 
This fleet set Sayle from Hull near Boston in N : E: August 9 : 1690 
The shipp called 6 friends was Admiral, in w^'" were 44 great Guns & 
200 men in company w'** 31 Sayle of other ships. I have seen a diary 
giving a true & exact account of their motion & proceedings Every day. 
It wd perhaps bee tedious if Every thing therein contained sh'' bee re- 
lated. Neverthelesse, for yo' Satisfaction I have caused y" particulars 
of some dayes actions to bee transcribed & y*' are y'^ w'** follow 

August 1 1 : This day y"^ General ordered y" Division of our fleet 
into several! Squadrons as is here Exprest And issued out his order to 
y'' vice & Rear admiral to send him an account of all sea men & armes 
on board each vessel in their several Squadrons besides their land forces 
& their Armes likewise Sent a Leiutenant to performe y" Same in his 
own Squadron. 

A list of yeir Majesties Fleet under y'= CoiTiand of the Honourable 
S'. W'" Phipps K' General & Coiiiander in Chief in & over all their 
Majesties forces by sea & land bound on y" present Expedition for 
Canada. 

Ad.miral's Squadron 



[5] 



Ships names 


Comanders names 


Six friends 


— Cap : Gregory Sugers 


John & Thomas 


— Cap : Thom : Carter 


Return a Are ship 


— Capt : Andr : Knott 


Lark 


— Capt : John Walley 


Batchelor 


— Capt. Thom: Gwynne 


Mary 


— Capt. John Raynsford 


Elizabeth & mary 


— Capt. Caleb Lamb 


Mary Anne 


— Capt Gregory Sugers Juni 


Hanny & Mary 


— Cap : Thomas Parker 


Frieiidshipp 


• — Capt : Windsor 


Ebijah 


— Capt : Elias Noe 


Swallow : 


Capt : Tho : Lyzenby 


VICE 


admiral's Squadron 


Swann 


— Cap : Tho : Gilbert 


Swallow : 


Capt : Small 


Samuel 


— Cap : Sam : Robinsoti 


Delight 


— Capt: Ingerston 


Mary 


— Capt : Jonathan Balston 


Begiuniug 


— Cap : Samuel Elsoe 



30 

Speedwell — Cap : Barger 

May fflower — • Capt Bowdick 

Boston Merchant Cap : michael Sliute 

Willi & Mary Capt. Peter Ruck 

Reer Admirals Squadron 

America merchant: Capt: Jos: Eldredge 

Capt: Febershear 

Lark — Cap: Walk 

Union — Cap : Brown 

Adventure — Cap : Tho : Barrington 

Kathrine — Cap : Tho Berry 

Fraternity — Cap : Elias Jarvis 

— Cap: will Clutterbuck 

Successe — Cap : John Carlisle 

Batchelor — Capt: Edw'' Ladd 

[6] August 14 In the afternoon wee sailed by ragged Island, Port 
Mattoon &c in Nova Scotia. The next day wee came ag' Spencers 
Iseland which is 40 leagues to 3'e eastward of Canso : S' W"* Phips 
Issued out an order y' wn y'^ Admiral slid spread his Jack in y'^ mizan 
topmast shrouds, every ship & vessell should fall into their line & 
keep a convenient distance one from another. 

August 17: This morning y'' westward part of y' Island of Cape 
Brittoon bare north of us distance about four leagues ; wee stood east- 
ward till 10''. our fleet being Scattered & ye weather something sus- 
pitious wee Lay by to bring y'^ fleet together, & stood to y" nortward, 
untill four clock in y*' Afternoon, & y" tackd had but little wind (Jc yt 
North Easterly wee lay y" E : S : E : being near y'" shear of cape 
Brittoon. 

August 20: Indifferent fair weather o' lattitude y^ day by observa- 
tion 46? 23' : the body of y° Eastward End of Cape Brittoon bare west 
of us : distance 4 leagues at 5 Clock Evining wee tackd to eastward & 
lay E : N : E y" wind N : Small gale y" Southermost Islands bore 
S : S : VV And y*^ Northermost land which wee saw (wch also was 
an Island bore N : N : W : in y" Night wee had very little wind & 
sometimes calm, the Current set so strong to y° southward, y' by day- 
light wee had lost 4 Leagues from the Place of our departure in y^ 
Evining: 

August : 23 at 6 this Evining our men at y"^ topmast head s"* They 
saw a Sloop ahead w'upon y'' General gave order y' y'' sloop Swallow ■ 
shd take in 30 or 40 men from on board y'' Admiral on board y' Ad- 
miral under y" Coiiiand of Leiutenant Rob': Piekerton & to make all 
y" sail possible to a farther discovery of y*" S' Sloop & Cap : Thom : 



31 

Carter was ordered to make chase [7] and if Hee could see the sloop 
to make a signal by Clewing up his Topgallant Sailes Divers of our 
small vessels yt sayled best chased too : At 12 clock night y' middle- 
most of y^ Kam Islands bore of us north o'^ Latt ; by observat" : is 
47° :: 12' : having a fresh gale East : The westermost of these Islands 
is Larcre y" rest Small, indifferent high five in number. 

August 25 this Day y"' Gen" sent M' Job: Winslow on board ye 
Mayflower Capt Bowdich com' w* an Order to convey D' Barton w"' 
his Chest from theuce on board the ship John & Thomas Capt : Carter 
Com' w^'' was done accordingly. In y" morning wee made Sail & 
found that this Land Lieth in y" Bay of Heat/ w'' is a deep bay y' 
runs into ye westward of Cape w"'oui Hope^ w'*" is a Low Land but a 
fair shoar and good Soundings wee had 15 : & 16: fathom about a 
League from y'^ shoar untill wee come to y' eastermost end of y' Low 
Land & then Deep water. Here wee caught much Codfish : 

This morning y^ General sent to Capt" Gilbert to acquaint him yt 
Hee did intend w"' a Brigantine & sloop to sail into y" Bay, w''' Lay 
ahead of us & thereupon ordered him to sail fair & Easye along y" 
shore & to keep all y" fleet together the same alsoe y° Gener" sent to 
Cap' : Eldridge relateing to his Squadron : 

When wee past y" Lowland wee Saw y'= Land towards y'^ Cape to 
bee very high, & is seen over y" Low Lands. In y° Low Land there 
show like many Rivers & Inlets at Noon o' Lattitude by observation is 
48°-5'. At 6 Clock in y= Eviningy'' Cape bore N : N: E. & y^ Island 
wthout it N : E : b : E till 12 Clock & then wee hailed up N. N. E ye 
wind at W : fair weather 

[8] This Evining about Sun Sett our Sloop came up w"' us agn w^'' 
had bin wanting from Satarday morning shee did not come up w''' nor 
see y"^ sloop shee went after At y" South End of this Cape is a hole 
Like an Arch thro wch a boat may Sail wch also is an Island called 
Parse - 

August 27. This morning it began to rain about 3''. & thick weather 
y'^ wind N : E : but y^ day prov'd indifferent fair. At noon y' North- 
errnost Cape of y' Entring ofy"^ Gulph of Canso bore of us S : the wind 
at N : E : At two Clock this afternoon the Wind came Northerly & 
fair weather. At 6 this Evining the westward Land wee Saw bore of 
us betwixt N W : b W. N N : W y" wind N W & N N W : wee stood 
to the Northward all night 

^g" Here is about 20 degrees variation of y' Compasse Easterly 

Aug : 29 : This day y*-" Gen" : taking notice that diverse of the ffleet 
had not observed orders formerly given respecting their Lights & y' y*" 

1 Chaleur Bay and Cape Despair are the modern names of these places. — Ed. 

■^ This is, probably, tlie same island as the one mentioned in the Life of Sir 
William Pliips (Sparks's American Biography), under the name of Isle of 
I'ercy. — En. 



32 

kept not y='' due station in sailing but Scattered Themselves very 
much a sunder, thereby both Exposing Them selves to y" Enemy, And 
also very much hindering y^ whole fleet in their way was pleased to 
Issue ye following order Directing one of y"' to Each Comauder iu ye 
Feet : viz : 

By y= Hono"'"'^ S' W"> Phipps K' Generall wr as I am informed y' 
several vessells in y' Fleet do carry Lights in y° night contrary to 
order by w'^'' means several have mistaken & have followed a wrong 
Light, These are therefore strictly to Charge you that you carry no 
Light w''*' may openly [9] bee seen, unlesse it bee in foul weather ; 
And y" according to your order you are to carry a Light Alsoe w" I 
tack, you are to Answer by shewing a Light, wch you are to take in 
wn I take in mine, that so I may know whether y" fleet tack or noe. 
Also you are to take care to keep close in your Stations as you will 
answer the Contrary at yo' perill. 

Given under my hand on board y*^ 6 ffriends this 29 August 1690 

William Phips 

This twenty four Hours wee have been turning between Anticosta 
& y"^ main, being forced to lie by a great part of y' time to gett our 
fleet together, Severall of them being 3 leagues to ye leeward of us- 
At G this morning wee tackt to y' Eastward the wind being northerly 
& at 12 clock wee tackt to y" westward & had Indifferent fair weather 

August 31 : wee having been for several dayes past turning between 
Anticosta & _ve main, & finding wee got nothing, At 9 clock this day 
wee bore up y*^ Helm to look for a road at or near y^ Isle Perse y' 
wind at N. N. W. a fresh gale & coming about y' Northward point of 
ye Hay wee saw a shallop at Anchor, wee sent o' barge to Endeavo' to 
take her. Cap' : Eldridge being nearer y'' shallop y" wee Hee Sent his 
boat also but y"= shallops men slipt their cable & put y' shalloppe on 
shoar and all y^ man got on shoar & ran into y'= woods in such hast y' 
They left y^'' Arms & all behind Them. Capt: Eldridges men took 
the shallop Laden w"' fiish w' upon wee bore up ag" to look for an 
anchoring place & & found ye Next bay to ye Isle of Perse was a 
fair Bay to Anchor in. where wee Anchored w"" our whole fleet [10] 
in 17 fathom water and had ouse ground, about five a clock afternoon. 
Soon after Major Savage Capt Gilbert Capt Eldridge & others came 
on board y' Admiral, wee sent o' barge & sloop to search & view the 
bay, who found the ruins of a small town Lately burnt «fe 2 or 3 old 
houses w''' o' men fired About 10 clock it proved an hard storm of 
wind at N : N : E : our best bower Cable dealt w' upon liiiediately wee 
Let goe our sheet Anchor but c'' not bring up o' Ship so wee were forced 
to Let Slip & goe to Sea & stood of w"' o' fore sail & raizan divers other 
ships of our fleet being put of also. By midnight wee were clear of 
Bonaventure Island. 



33 

Sejitenf 2 Soon after daybreak wee weighed & stood towards y*^ 
place where wee let go our Auchors but y" wind failing wee returned. 
The general sent an order for y" fleet to come down to him & m** y' 
signal for y" Coinanders to come on board y'^ Admiral About 9 a clock 
y° General Leiuteuant General & Divers others went on shoar on 
Bonaventure Island where wee got water & wood, wee there found 
divers fishing stages & flakes, also, several piles of dry fish & much fish 
upon y° flakes & on y' ground Spread & Spoiled by y*^ weather the 
houses also y' had been y' were burnt, not a ffrench man could wee see 
tho wee searched y'^ woods The Gen" : having set up his mai'*'" flag on 
Y s' Island gave order about y' wood water & fish &. y" returii'd on 
board & from thence went on Shoar on ye main & return'd about 4 
Clock. This day o' barge & pinnace returned on board & gave an 
account y' [11] They Saw some Cattle & a small matter of Plunder 
wch They sent on board but could see no tfrench Person, upon ye 
main is a good fishing place & much dry fish 

Septemb : 5 This morning wee discovered a Sail more y" our fleet 
ahead of us. The Gen"sent his barge w"' Lieutenaut Pickerton & his pin- 
nace w"' L' Dickerson. the barge came first up w"' y" vessell w'*' proved 
to bee a Bark come from Quebeck to lade fish at y' Isle of Perse. The 
bark fired & wounded L' Pickerton & one man more, our Barge made 
hast to y° shoar o' men tooky' Bark & brought Her away but all y'= 
men Escaped. In y' evening o' boat took also a shallop w''' four french- 
men w^'' had been from Quebeck Eleven dayes. The men upon p]xam- 
ination declared y' y' Inhabitants of Quebeck w' in a low Condition for 
want of Provision our men Sank y'^ shallop. This 24 hours y'^ wind 
has bin variable most p' northerly This day wee took out y' fish from 
y'^ shallop formerly taken & then fired the shallop & turned her adrift. 

Septemb: 6 This morning wee had y" wind at p] N E a fine gale 
and as wee were standing along the Shoar, wee P^spied a small bark 
rideing under y° Laud whereupon wee mann'd our barge & sent Her in 
Several othe boats went alsoe wee Saw y' French landing as fast as 
They could & wn They were landed They fired at o' men. Several of 
o' men landed and fired upon Tlie French w" presentlv fled into the 
woods. This bark also came from Quebecke to lade fish at Isle Perse ; 
our men Seing no likelyhood of getting of y" Bark Set her on fire & 
burnt her what y^ French had carryed on Shoar wch was not much our 
men took They also burnt a shallop lyeing hard by. in y'= afternoon 
y' wind came Northerly & continued so all night 

[12] September 19: This morning wee had fair weather the wind 
westerly in y' night wee Lost ground at 2 afternoon find it was tide of 
Ebb wee came to an Anchor under y'' round mountain on y= South side 
in 17 fathom water y" Round mountain bore S E y= west p' bore W 
S W & y" Island of y' west p' bear west : this is a good bay to stop in 



34 

for y' tide of Ebb & not lesse y" 12 fathom water within 2 miles of y' 
shoar & good ground In this bay near the shoar is a small island w'='' 
our Boat went round y'^ main and it. there is also a Small River wliere 
our People saw some Indians w'' put out a flag of truce and o' men an- 
swered Them w"" another but c'' not come to speak w'*' Them, wee 
were told by o' french Prisoners that about y° eastermost p' of this bay 
are 2 or 3 fishing houses w' are french inhabitants. In y' night wee 
weighed Anchor (having stopped there for ye tide of P>bb) ye flood 
being made, a small gale S. 

Septem : 20 The wind being westerly wee stood over to ye North 
Shoar w' wee saw three of o' fleet at Anchor under y'' land w''^ w' Capt 
Knott Cap. Shute & Capt : Brown who had lyen there 8 dayes — At 5 
afternoon wee Anchored in y" Same Bay on ye North side in 17 fathom 
water good ground & about 3 miles from y° Shoar. Cap' Gilbert & 
Some others of y'^ fleet being in Companye y' wind at W S W, This is 
a good river to Anchor in being bound either up or down y' river lying 
in this Bay y' Round mountain on y" South side bore of us S : E y" 
west p' S W b "W. by o' observation here made of the tides wee find 
it flowes S S W at y'= full & change [13] of y" moon at y' shoar but 
in y" offing it runs longer 

Septem 26 This morning y' boats returned w"" y'^ Prize (w^*" we 
yesterday espied & y>' went after) 6 men & 3 women were taken 
prisoners (as also some small plunder) w° gave account y' y*' met w"' 
several houses on Shoar w'='- They cleared. The Gen" gave order to 
Capt Clutterbuck & Capt Ingerston to weigh & sayl up the river on 
y"^ north & south side of y" North Chanell & to keep their lead going, & 
to wave y'^"' Jack respectively so many times as They had fathom, and 
in case They mett with any danger so as y' y'^ Admiral could not follow 
Them v" They are to fire a gun. The general alsoe sent a french Pilot 
on boar Each of Them w"' this order, this day proved Calm So y' 
wee could not stemme y° tide but were driven down about a league & 
wee came to an Anchor on y' South shoar in 20 fathom water where 
wee lay quiet near Hare Island. The french prisoners told us yt this 
was y' best side to anchor in 

Septem ; 27 This morning y" lawes & ordinances of war were 
Published on bord y"" Admiral by beat of Drum. About 9 of Clocke 
wee weighed Anchor. Soon after wee received Intelligence y' Lieut: 
Goffe had last night taken another boat w'''out harm having wounded 
four of y^ Enimy. wch boat came frgm Quebecke three dayes since to 
meet ye fleet w'*" They supposed to bee the flTrench fleet, wch mistake 
of theirs gave us some Intelligence. Small wind & a small floud this 
day aV Sun sett wee Anchored on y"' South side of y'' North Channel 
w''' is about the middle of y" River in 20 fathom the place wee 
Ancliored in is called y' English Bank 



35 

October 4 At 9 a clock this morning wee weighed ye wind being 
Easterly & past by St Pauls w'='' lyes in a Bay over ag' y" west End 
of Coodra 14 where are Several Houses & a farm of y' Bishops wee 
gave an Huzza & past along at 4 afternoon wee Anchored about 3 
leagues above St Paules in 14 fatliom water near y'^ North Shoar 
this morning dyed Dr Edw'*' on board y"" Hospital Capt : Balston 
having last night lost all his Anchors & Cables y" General gave order 
to Capt Gilbert to spare him an Harser & Capt Eldredge an Anchor. 
Tills day wee put out English Colours 

October 5 This morning y" General determined tliat the worship of 
God should begin early & accordingly at 8 a clock wee were called 
togetiier but in time of singing wee heard Guns on Shoar The french 
about 8 or 10 in Number fired at o"^ boat being gone ashore for water, 
one of o' men had a small wound. At 10 a clock wee weighed a fresh 
Breeze coming up at East w''' brought us along by y^ North Shoare 
in 7. 8: 9. 10. fathom water up to Orleans then Hailing Southerly 
wee past by y" East End of Orleanse coming up w"" a town wee gave 
y"" 3 huzza's w"' noise of Trumpets & drums the wind & weather con- 
tinuing very fair & pleasant & all o' fleet were together wee soon past 
another town on Orleanse. wee sent a flagg of truce to y° shoar & y" 
French came to o' men and told Them They w' come on board but 
y' y>' were under cofiaand & cd not do it w"'out orders Soon after wee 
came to an Anchor y" Tide failing & y" y'= general calling a councell of 
war on board y'' admiral at w'^'' councell y*" [15] following Suiiions was 
agreed on to send to Quebecke 

Sr W'" Phips K' Generall & Cofhander in Cheif in & over y'^'' 
Majesties forces of New England by sea & land 

To Count Fronteneack Leiu' Generall & Governor for ye French 
K : at Cannada &c or in his absence to his Deputy or to him or Them 
in Cheif Comand at Quebeck 

The wars between y*^ two crowns of England & ifrance doth not only 
suflflcieutly warrant But ye destruction made by ye French & Indians 
under yo' Coiiiand & encouragement upon ye persons & Estates of 
y*-" Majesties Subjects of New P^ngland w^ut provocation on their 
p' has put them under y" necessity of this Expedition for their own 
Security & Satisfaction. And although y^ Cruelties & Barbarites 
used ag' Them by y° French & Indians might upon y'= present oppor- 
tunity prompt to a severe revenge, yet being desireous to avoyd all 
inhumane & unchristianlike actions. And to prevent shedding of Bloud 
as much as may bee 

I the afores'' S' W"' Phips K' do hereby in y"^ name & on y'= behalf 
of tlieir most Excellent Majesties William & Mary King & Queen 
of England Scotland France & Ireland Defenders of y"" Faith & By 
order of y"-" s'^ Majesties Goverum' of y"" Massachusets Colony in New 



England demand a present Surrender of yo' forts & Castles unde- 
molisht & y" Kings & other Stores imimbezzeld w"' a seasonable De- 
livery of all Captives ; Together w"' a surrender of all your persons 
& Estates at my Dispose ; upon y"^ doing w' of you may Expect 
mercy from Mee as a Christian according to [16] what shall bee found 
for yeir Majesties service & y'^ Subjects Security wch if you refuse 
forthw"' to doe, I am come provided & am resolved by y" help of 
God in w'° I trust by force of armes to revenge all wrongs & Injuries 
offered & bring you under Subjection to y" Crown of England. And 
when too late make you wish you had accepted of y" favor tendered 

Yo' Answer Positive in an houre returnd by yo' own Trumpet 
^th ye rgtui-j, of mine is required upon y'^ perill that will Ensue 

To Count ffronteneack or Him or Them in y'= government at present 
In Quebecke. 

October 6 This morning y' General sent Cap' Lieutenant Savage 
w"' y'' Suiiions who was mett w''' by a flagg of truce. Hee delivered 
y'^ Suinons to Count tfranleneack & brought answer yt they wd not 
Surrender but would fight it out. y' Answer was not in writing but 
by word of mouth, viz. S' W'" Phips & those with Him were Hereticks 
& Traytors to their King, & had taken up w"'' that usurper y" Prince 
of Orange, & had Seysed y'" good Christian S' Edra : Androsse, whom 
King James had appointed Governor, & y' if S' Edmond had continued 
in his Gov"" New England and y'' French had been one. And y' no 
other answer vras to bee Expected from Him but what should bee from 
y"" mouth of his Cannon. This morning was Spent about furnishing 
our Men with arms & afnunilion in order to laud by y' tirst oppor- 
tunity : At 8 clock at night y'' General sent y" marshall to summons 
all y" Captains of [17] ships & foot Companies & all y"" masters of 
y^ small Vessels to wait on him on board y^ Admiral by 2 Ho's before 
day there to receive his farther orders about Lauding. 

October 7 . At 4 Clock this morning y° several Captains, Masters, 
ministers, Doctors, came on board y' Admiral and after y" Consult 
y^ ships of war Sent all y" land men on board y" small vessels in order 
to land, Among whom Capt Ephraim Savage wth about 60 meu on 
board a french Bark w'** Wee had taken before, ran aground near 
y"^ North Shoar about two miles from Quebeck & could not gett of 
but Lay there that tide. The french lSd Indians Seing Them lye 
there, They came near & fired thick upon Them & Cap'" Savages men 
answered from on board roundly, mean while the Admirals Anchor 
coming iiome wee Weighed & came fuither up & nearer to Them wee 
brought a gun to bear upon y"" Enimy which made Them to run & 
others also from on board their Vessels tired at Them. The Enimy 
brouiTht from town a field piece & planted it against the Bark, & about 
2 or 300 men. Wee Judged y' Bark & meu would unavoidably bee 



37 

lost in regard y' wind blew so hard y' do help could bee Sent Them. 
But Cap' Emmes levelled 3 or 4 of o' Guns at y'" w *' made Them hasten 
away w"' all Speed. And w" y" flood came wee perceived y'^ Bark to 
move w'*" made us hope They wd gett of. Little of Action more was 
done y' day. This day & Especially in y^ night was Such a storm of 
wind y' wee feared our Ships & vessels wd drive & wee could not send 
to y^ Bark to know how They faired 

[18] October 8* Early this morning y° General Sent his pinnace to 
y'^ Bark w"" wee Saw was before gott of into deep water. , The Gen" 
Employed Carpenters to make wheel barrows Each to carry two Pat- 
eraro's to march before our Men. About 8 a clock Capt Savage came 
on board ve general & gave him an account y' not a man of y"' hurt, And 
y" They were resolved if the Enimy iiad not drawn of Every man to 
run on slioar & drive Them from thence & take possession of a good 
house hard by & garison itt till help came to y" : 

Yesterdavs actiou miglitily Encoraged all o' men & this day prov- 
ing fair makes long to bee on shoar. about i a clock our men Landed 
not far from y' place where y"^ Bark was on ground & drew up into a 
Body. About 4 a clock y'^ 4 Men of war drew near y^ Town, wee 
fired smartly about four hours Space. Wee had only one man killd & 
6 wounded on board ye Admiral. Wee drove up into y'' mouth of 
Quebec river by y' South side of y' town where wee Lay Still all 
night : 

October 26 By day Light wee were under sail & Stood towards a 
French vessell & hailed Her But understood not their answer and 
fearing y' tide might shoot us past Her wee dropt our Anchor & fired 
two Coinandiiig Shot at Her hut They soon hailed up their boat & 
came to us. the Boat bro' us Cap : Edw : Willey who gave y' Gen" an 
account y' y" vessell was a french Barque, w^'' Hee w"' his Companye 
had taken ye daye before y*' brought y"" Master aboard w° told y" Gen" 
Hee came from [19] Rochel y" 8''' of August Last That y>' came out 
Loaden w"* pork & flower & salt for Quebecke, w"' 4 other Sayle. 
The Masters name Nicholas Blacksean y'' vessels name y" Nostre- 
dames Conception of Rochel y" Gen" Sent y" Leiuteuant on board her 
w"' order to bring her to Sail & follow him. wee lay by most part of 
y'= day for Her, but Shee came not to us : At S*" wee shortened Saile 
& kept abroad our Light. Tlie Next day wee took y'^ prize, into a 
Tow. 

But I shall not trouble you w'" more of this Journal. The particu- 
lars Excerped will I doubt not afford you Some Satisfaction. 

On October 7* Wee attempted to Land our Men, but by a storme 
were prevented, few of y' boats being able to row ahead But y" next 
day They Landed. The Small Pox was now got into y*' fHeet. It was 
necessary y' many should remayne in o' Ships, y' so y" Sick might not 



38 

want due attendance ; so y' not above 1400 effective men went on shore 
under y"= Conduct of Major Walley. Four Companies were drawn out 
by him as forloriis, w^** were entertained on both Sides w"* firings at 
Them, upon one wing o' men Saw y"' lurking in bushes & Shot at 
Them but on y' other Wing & in most places, y'^ Enimy had y"" first 
Shott, & from a village over a Creeke on y" right wing y' was a p'*' 
wch galled us more y" y' rest, But o" Shouting & rushing upon y'^ 
Enemy at once They run away from us as fast as y' legs could carry 
Them & got into Swamps & Thickets to hide Them Selves, wee con- 
tinued o' [20] march untill it was dark : upon Enquiry what damage 
wee had received wee found that not above 4 men of ours & above 20 
of y'= Enimy were killed, And wee since understand that their Hospital 
is full of wounded men. And yt They iiad 7 or 800 who Lay in am- 
buscado for us at our landing but a terror fell upon Them y' They run 
before us. This Evening a french deserter came to Us & Informed y' 
y' were above 600 Frenchmen hid in a Swamp at our comeing ashore 
& yt Wee had killed one of their Captains & other officers That 900 
were come from Quebecke & in yeir march towards us & y' They were 
over y*" River but that Seing us land So suddenly. & yt y' French sent 
to w"' Stand us were beaten They retreated. Hee also told us yt y" 
Earl of Frontenack was come down vv"' y" Governor of mont Real, tlie 
Intendaut &c & y' not lesse than 3000 men were in Quebecke. This 
quite dispirited Maj' Walley y' Hee could think of Nothing but an 
Hono'''''' retreat, o' Souldiers prayed That They might go on, profess- 
ing yt They had rather loose their Lives than not take y^ town : one 
of y' Chaplains (m' John Wise) Encoraged Them very much & y'^ Ex- 
perience They had of y° Frenchmens flying before Them was Intimation 
Enough y' They had Cowards to deal with. But what is an army of 
Lyons w" They must not go on E.xcept a frighted Hart shall lead 
Them : 

Whilest These things were doing on shore S' W'" Phips w"* His min 
of warr came Close up to y' Citty Hee did acquit himself w"*" y' great- 
est bravery I have diligently enquired of those that know it who 
affirm there was nothing wanting on iiis Part [21] Either as to Con- 
duct or Courage. Hee Ventured w"* in Pistoll shott of their canon, & 
Soon beat them from thence, & battered y' Town very much. He was 
for Some hours warmly Elntertained w"' their great Guns. The vessel 
wherein S' W"' Coiiianded had 200 men. It was shot thro in an hun- 
dred places w"* shot of 24 pound weight ; yet thro y" wonderfuU provi- 
dence of God, but one man was killed & two mortally wounded in that 
Hott Engagement, w'^'' continued y*^ greatest p" of y'-" night & y*^ next 
day several hours 

After this Sir William sent on shoar to know y" Condition that y" 
forces there w' in. Answer was returned y' several of their men w' so 



39 

frozen in their liands & feet so as y' They were disabled from Service 
& many of Them fallen sick of y" Small Pox. Hee therefore ordered 
Them ou board to refresh Them selves, designing another attacque on 
y'= pjnemye y' next day. But then a storm arose wch separated o' fleet ; 
& a great Snow fell & y' Cold was So Extreme y' wee could not w"* 
Safety continue Longer in y' River 

The greatest p' of o' fleet are arrived Safe at Boston Novem : 19: 
But six of o' vessels are not yet home, wee know not w' They are ; 
but they are well Supplied w"' provisions, only in some of them there 
many sick. The nest that wee can suppose is, that by y'' Strong N : W : 
winds They may be driven to ye western Islands. Wee have not Lost 
30 (so farr as I can understand not 20) men in ail by y" Sword : But 
y" Small Pox & a malignant feaver has carried of 150 of o' Souldiers 
Some of Them persons of great worth. Since o' Army Left Cannada 
Six or Seven Sagamores iiave made [22] overtures for Peace. The 
English Captives whom They sent upon yt Errand Say that y'^ Indians 
have lost many of their men & Some of Principal note : yt y' are iu 
Streights for Powder, y' French not being at Present able to Supply 
ym, & yt y' Expresse Them Selves weary of ye warr. Wee are assured 
by Letters w"* wee have taken written by a French Priest yt ye Mo- 
hawks have lately killed above 900 of y° French. Thus have I (in as 
few words as I could) given you a true ace' concerning y* Expedition 
agt Canada w'^'' has made Such a noise in y' World. Give mee 
Leave to make some Remarques y' on, & I shall trouble you no 
farther. 

1 The New Englanders were necessitated unto this undertaking The 
ffrench iu conjunction w"' y'^ Indians had burnt nnmy of their planta- 
tions & murthered many of their friends before ever They shed one 
drop of french bloud. Wee are informed y' a 1000 bosslopers' (or mon- 
grel french begat on Indian women) were Intending to destroy most of 
y'^ Towns in N. E. this SuiTier, had not tiiis Expedition ag' Canada 
prevented Them on which account ye attempt ag' Quebeck has not bin 
Charge & labor wholly lost. Should there bee a peace between y' two 
Crownes of England & France y° Jesuits wd n"' their Artifices prevayle 
w"* y" Indians to bee continually molesting & ruining o' towns. So 
y' wee cannot but conclude w"', delenda est Carthago. 

2 Tliis design of y"" Maj'>^" Loyal Subjects in New England was 
generous & at first well & wisely contrived. To do So much for y"^ 
Enlargem' of ye King's Dominions was a noble & laudible undertaking. 
In magnis voluiste Sat P^st. [In maguis voluisse sat est. Properlius.'\ 
But here was more y" a good will for y'^ accomplishing of a great 
Enterprise 

1 " Bosslopers " is a word of Dutcli origin, wliicli means something like 
busli-rangers. — Ed. 



LIBRfiRY OF CONGRESS 

40 ■ 11 

011 696 S76 2 9 

[23] The design was so well formed y' haa not several things fallen 
out w'^'' could not possibily bee foreseen & w^*" it was not in y' Power 
of men to prevent wee are morally certain y' all Canada had bin in o' 
hands at this day. Had Major Winthrop with His Connecticot & New 
York forces marched on to mont Real, or had Hee but stayed at y*" Lake 
to have divided y'' Enimies strength (which He was urgently pressed 
unto by y'= Massachusets) Quebeck could have made Little or no re- 
sistance. But it was not in our power to prevent y' Small Pox from 
those Indians who are in ffriendship w"' us Just at ye time w''" They 
should have come to o' assistance ag' y' French which. was one great 
occasion of Maj' Winthrops discoragem' Nor had wee power to 
Comand ye winds to serve us by whose contrariety wee were a longer 
time than is usual in getting up y" river Canada, wee might (had y'' 
winds favored us) have dispatched y' way in three dayes w^'' was 
hardly done in three weekes. Had wee come up before Quebecke one 
fortnight nay but one week Sooner, wee are Satisfyed wee had carryed 
y'^ place. By a late vessel! from England wee are informed y' y^ 
English Army before Limerick in Ireland was necessitated to return 
w"'out taking y'' Citty because of their coming there a few weeks or 
dayes later y" They should have done. This has bin o' very Case as 
to y"^ attempt upon Quebeck. 

3. Not y° Enimy but y" Almighty God himself did (for Wise & 
holy Ends wee are sure) frustrate o' design. His fing' is to bee seen in 
visiting ye Indians w"" y' Small pox, & in disappointing our Expec- 
tations of y'^ land forces, w'*" caused y" whole design to miscarry. 
& Hee who holds y"^ winds in his fists retarded y" motion of our fleet 
y' they could not arrive at Quebecke before y"^ Cold weather was come 
on. It was y' Divine providence bro' Frontenack w"'' 3000 Souldiers 
to Quebeck just before o' fleet arrived there, the report of which was 
so [24] Terrifying to a fainthearted Major tho not to his Souldiers who 
wept because Hee would not permit them to fall on. The Holy God 
send diseases (a malignant feaver & y" Small Pox) into o' army. And 
w" o' Souldiers y' were in health most Earnestly desiring it, wee had 
had resolves y'^ next day to make one attempt more on y'^ town y^ Su- 
preme power w'^'' overrules all by a Tempest Scattered o' fleet & 
necessitated o' return, w'^'' things notw"'slanding, wee are satisfied w''' 
y'^ Clearnesse of o' call to this great & hazardous Enterprise, when y'' 
Children of Israel lost 30 Men in y'^" attacking & were discomfited, 
they were in the way of their duty, & afterwards God delivered y' Citty 
w"' y" Governor of it & all the Inhabitants into yeir hands, wn ye 
other tribes made warr upon Gibeah & y° Benjamites God called 
Them to that Warr, & at last made Them victorious, their Enimies 
being totally routed ; yet y*' were repulsed twice & y' proportionably 
wth far greater losses & disappointments than anything which wee have 
as yet cause to complain of. 



41 

4 The reducing of Cannada is of great concernment not to New 
England only but to ye Crown & Kingdom of England, where y' 
once done trade wd bee encoraged & y" revenue of y° Crown aug- 
mented : For ye Beaver trade of Canada brings in hundreds of Thou- 
sands to flFrance every year, w'*" would all go to England if Canada 
were in English hands. & y" Newfoundland also, wd bee entirely in 
o' hands y'= Fishery w' of as also of Canada & Nova Scotia is of great 
concernment as to trade, were y' English sole masters of these coun- 
tries English seamen to y'^ great advantage of y" Nation w** bee In- 
creased & y'^ number of french mariners bee diminished. On y" other 
hand if Canada bee [25] let alone, New England & New York are like 
to bee overun by y' French power : & Consequently all y"^ English 
America : (the other plantations depending upon New England for 
Supplyes of Provision, y' lumber trade &c.) wd come under y" French 
Crown : And New England being (as y*" y' have good Judgement in 
affairs of y' nature affirmed) y^ best place in y" world for building of 
Ships, y^ French K : will soon build a mighty Navy there, to y" Dis- 
honor of England, & ye prejudice of all Europe. Some yt understand 
what y'' say very well, have asserted y' ye taking of Canada will bee 
worth more yn a million of money to England, & that it is of greater 
concernment yn all y" Interest wee have in y'^ West Indies. 

The thing may yet Easily bee done. For y*^ New Englanders are 
not discouraged by one repulse. 

gr -^ym phipg jg going for England on purpose to offer His Service 
to His Maj'>' in this expedition a second time, only Some Assistance 
from England w* aiiiunition & men of warr is necessary, four F'rigates 
wee presume will bee sufficient. There are men Enough in New Eng- 
land yt will offer y'" selves as Volunteirs in this Service for yeir King, 
country, & nation, only They pray, & hope They may bee resetled in 
y^ Enjoyment of y*"' Auntient Charter rights & priviledges wch were 
y° Sole inducement to Their ffathers, at their own proper costs & charge, 
to subdue a Wildernesse, & Inlarge y" Dominions of y" Crown of Engl. 
Wee here give Entire credit to m' Mathers Letters, who has bin a 
long time Negotiating in o' behalfe. Hee wrote us above a year agoe, 
y' y° King was gratiously pleased to Say to Him, y" wee should rest 
assured of it, y" o' Charter priviledges Should bee restored to us. you 
can not Imagine how this did animate His Maj'''^^ good Subjects 
throughout this Colonic. [26] Nor has any y°^ in y' World En- 
feebled ye hands of this people more than the Delay of this thing, 
which They have been So Long in a Longing Expectation of. 

S', It is no unreasonable thing which wee desire. But if our God 
Shall Encline y' heart of o' King William in whose Interests wee are, 
& w"' whom wee have ventured our all; to confirm unto us those Char- 
ter priviledges wch were graunted to o' ffiithers in y" Dayes of King 



42 

Charles i. & which They & Wee Enjoyed till ye last year of y*" reign 
of K: Charles 2''. his name will bee great to all posterity in these Ends 
of y' Earth, & y' are many thousands of Souls in y^ wildernesse y' will 
every day blesse God & pray for His & y" Queens Long life and happye 
reign & y' will not think their own Lives to dear to bee p''** with in 
y'= service of so good a King & Queen. 

Boston January 3 
1690 



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